Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis
In this paper I show that there is an elliptical construction in Brazilian Portuguese involving nunca ('never') restricted to locally moved wh-subjects and provide an account of this peculiar restriction. The construction in question corresponds to the sequence Quem nunca? ('Who neve...
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Format: | Article |
Language: | English |
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Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2023-12-01
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Series: | Isogloss |
Online Access: | https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/295 |
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author | Tarcisio Dias |
author_facet | Tarcisio Dias |
author_sort | Tarcisio Dias |
collection | DOAJ |
description |
In this paper I show that there is an elliptical construction in Brazilian Portuguese involving nunca ('never') restricted to locally moved wh-subjects and provide an account of this peculiar restriction. The construction in question corresponds to the sequence Quem nunca? ('Who never?'), which is used as a follow-up comment to a declarative sentence such as Pedro beijou João ('Pedro kissed João'), meaning 'Who did never kiss João?'. Curiously, the wh-element in such cases must correspond to the locally moved subject. I argue that the construction in question provides evidence for Bošković's (2023) proposal regarding two different positions for wh-movement, in which local wh-subjects move to a position below CP and above TP, whereas other wh-elements all move to Spec,CP. I also show this approach provides evidence for the view in which a Spec-head relation is needed for ellipsis licensing.
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first_indexed | 2024-03-08T22:50:21Z |
format | Article |
id | doaj.art-1f22f0c5017f4a0797a2a4f5b493701d |
institution | Directory Open Access Journal |
issn | 2385-4138 |
language | English |
last_indexed | 2024-03-08T22:50:21Z |
publishDate | 2023-12-01 |
publisher | Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
record_format | Article |
series | Isogloss |
spelling | doaj.art-1f22f0c5017f4a0797a2a4f5b493701d2023-12-16T14:10:57ZengUniversitat Autònoma de BarcelonaIsogloss2385-41382023-12-019410.5565/rev/isogloss.295Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsisTarcisio Dias0University of Connecticut In this paper I show that there is an elliptical construction in Brazilian Portuguese involving nunca ('never') restricted to locally moved wh-subjects and provide an account of this peculiar restriction. The construction in question corresponds to the sequence Quem nunca? ('Who never?'), which is used as a follow-up comment to a declarative sentence such as Pedro beijou João ('Pedro kissed João'), meaning 'Who did never kiss João?'. Curiously, the wh-element in such cases must correspond to the locally moved subject. I argue that the construction in question provides evidence for Bošković's (2023) proposal regarding two different positions for wh-movement, in which local wh-subjects move to a position below CP and above TP, whereas other wh-elements all move to Spec,CP. I also show this approach provides evidence for the view in which a Spec-head relation is needed for ellipsis licensing. https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/295 |
spellingShingle | Tarcisio Dias Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis Isogloss |
title | Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis |
title_full | Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis |
title_fullStr | Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis |
title_full_unstemmed | Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis |
title_short | Local wh-subjects under Quem nunca? ellipsis |
title_sort | local wh subjects under quem nunca ellipsis |
url | https://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/295 |
work_keys_str_mv | AT tarcisiodias localwhsubjectsunderquemnuncaellipsis |