The Two Sides of the Representative Coin

<p>In<em> Federalist </em>10 James Madison drew a functional distinction between “parties” (advocates for factional interests) and “judgment” (decision-making for the public good) and warned of the corrupting effect of combining both functions in a “single body of men.” This paper...

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Main Author: Keith Sutherland
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Brock University 2011-12-01
Series:Studies in Social Justice
Subjects:
Online Access:http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/SSJ/article/view/3492
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author Keith Sutherland
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description <p>In<em> Federalist </em>10 James Madison drew a functional distinction between “parties” (advocates for factional interests) and “judgment” (decision-making for the public good) and warned of the corrupting effect of combining both functions in a “single body of men.” This paper argues that one way of overcoming “Madisonian corruption” would be by restricting political parties to an advocacy role, reserving the judgment function to an allotted (randomly-selected) microcosm of the whole citizenry, who would determine the outcome of parliamentary debates by secret ballot—a division of labour suggested by James Fishkin’s experiments in deliberative polling. The paper then defends this radical constitutional proposal against Bernard Manin’s (1997) claim that an allotted microcosm could not possibly fulfil the “consent” requirement of Natural Right theory. Not only does the proposal challenge Manin’s thesis, but a 28<sup>th</sup> Amendment implementing it would finally reconcile the competing visions that have bedevilled representative democracy since the Constitutional Convention of 1787.</p>
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spelling doaj.art-23047828a1b04fb98d3d9c01eb27a91a2022-12-22T01:27:20ZengBrock UniversityStudies in Social Justice1911-47882011-12-0152197211The Two Sides of the Representative CoinKeith Sutherland<p>In<em> Federalist </em>10 James Madison drew a functional distinction between “parties” (advocates for factional interests) and “judgment” (decision-making for the public good) and warned of the corrupting effect of combining both functions in a “single body of men.” This paper argues that one way of overcoming “Madisonian corruption” would be by restricting political parties to an advocacy role, reserving the judgment function to an allotted (randomly-selected) microcosm of the whole citizenry, who would determine the outcome of parliamentary debates by secret ballot—a division of labour suggested by James Fishkin’s experiments in deliberative polling. The paper then defends this radical constitutional proposal against Bernard Manin’s (1997) claim that an allotted microcosm could not possibly fulfil the “consent” requirement of Natural Right theory. Not only does the proposal challenge Manin’s thesis, but a 28<sup>th</sup> Amendment implementing it would finally reconcile the competing visions that have bedevilled representative democracy since the Constitutional Convention of 1787.</p>http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/SSJ/article/view/3492democracyrepresentationMadison
spellingShingle Keith Sutherland
The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
Studies in Social Justice
democracy
representation
Madison
title The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
title_full The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
title_fullStr The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
title_full_unstemmed The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
title_short The Two Sides of the Representative Coin
title_sort two sides of the representative coin
topic democracy
representation
Madison
url http://ojs.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/SSJ/article/view/3492
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