Processing and Representation of Different Types of Czech Affixes
The study investigates the processing of morphologically complex words in Czech. In Experiment 1 we employed morphological repetition priming to test the Split Morphology Hypothesis, i.e. whether derived and inflected word forms are stored in the same or different manner in the Czech mental lexic...
| Main Authors: | , |
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| Format: | Article |
| Language: | ces |
| Published: |
Univerzita Karlova, Filozofická fakulta
2015-12-01
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| Series: | Studie z Aplikované Lingvistiky |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | https://sites.ff.cuni.cz/studiezaplikovanelingvistiky/wp-content/uploads/sites/19/2017/12/Radka-Jul%C3%ADnkov%C3%A1-%E2%80%94-Denisa-Bordag_52-75.pdf |
| Summary: | The study investigates the processing of morphologically complex words in Czech. In Experiment 1
we employed morphological repetition priming to test the Split Morphology Hypothesis, i.e. whether
derived and inflected word forms are stored in the same or different manner in the Czech mental
lexicon. The results demonstrate significantly larger priming effects for inflected forms compared
to derived forms indicating distinct processing of inflection and derivation in Czech; while inflected
forms are fully decomposed during language comprehension, derived forms are either not, or only
partially. In Experiment 2 we addressed two research questions. First, we tested the psycholinguistic
reality of the linguistic distinction between two types of inflective verbal prefixes: (a) “purely”
inflective aspectual prefixes (i.e. the prefix turns an imperfective verb into a perfective one as
in hřešit (imp.; ‘to sin’) — zhřešit (perf.)) and (b) derivational verbal prefixes (e.g. krátit (imp.; ‘to
shorten’) — zkrátit (perf.)). The results did not indicate any evidence that this distinction would
be psycholinguistically grounded. Second, we examined the role of semantic transparency of the
derivational prefixes in the processing. The experiment delivered evidence of slower processing of
opaque derived verbs, most likely caused by double search/reanalysis. |
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| ISSN: | 1804-3240 2336-6702 |