Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons

<p>Under article 25.2 Spanish Constitution the incarceration of a person should aim to re-educate and socially rehabilitate. Along the same line, Art. 59.2 of the General Penitentiary Law (GPL) of 21 September 1979 asserts that treatment in prisons, should aim to motivate the incarcerated to b...

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Main Author: Alison Hogg
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Oñati International Institute for the Sociology of Law 2012-02-01
Series:Oñati Socio-Legal Series
Subjects:
Online Access:http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742
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author Alison Hogg
author_facet Alison Hogg
author_sort Alison Hogg
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description <p>Under article 25.2 Spanish Constitution the incarceration of a person should aim to re-educate and socially rehabilitate. Along the same line, Art. 59.2 of the General Penitentiary Law (GPL) of 21 September 1979 asserts that treatment in prisons, should aim to motivate the incarcerated to become law abiding and to respect themselves, their family, peers, and society. This is allegedly achieved by them serving their sentences under conditions that reflect their individualised scientific grade (Art. 72 GPL). How do these aims translate into practice for a group of individuals, ETA members, condemned for offences committed in reaction to a perceived oppressive majoritarianism? It is hypothesized that the Spanish state either rehabilitates the deviants thus showing them the error of their ways and directs them to normality through a highly individualised assessment based on politically constructed common factors, or contain and civically and politically exclude those who resist.</p><p>A Foucauldian approach is used to analyse the mechanisms of power and, the security and penal apparatuses erected to manage and discipline this collective, more precisely of governmentality, normalisation, and of biopower. Particular attention is paid to the techniques used to ‘normalise’ and govern this collective. At first sight, one would think that only disciplinary mechanisms in a penitentiary setting need be used to achieve the earlier stated aims given that they have a ‘captive audience’; however, in reaction to an intransigent collective with an embedded political praxis , the State has adopted a hybridised system of power. The system combines individual and collective security mechanisms, and legal instruments to achieve this objective. In managing risk, the Spanish penal apparatus has adopted strategies that involve politically and civically castrating those that are deemed too high a risk and incorrigible.</p><p><strong>DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN</strong>: <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742" target="_blank">http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742</a></p>
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spelling doaj.art-9ca1a449e86f475890c3a509e979a8d52022-12-21T23:23:43ZengOñati International Institute for the Sociology of LawOñati Socio-Legal Series2079-59712012-02-01215Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish PrisonsAlison Hogg<p>Under article 25.2 Spanish Constitution the incarceration of a person should aim to re-educate and socially rehabilitate. Along the same line, Art. 59.2 of the General Penitentiary Law (GPL) of 21 September 1979 asserts that treatment in prisons, should aim to motivate the incarcerated to become law abiding and to respect themselves, their family, peers, and society. This is allegedly achieved by them serving their sentences under conditions that reflect their individualised scientific grade (Art. 72 GPL). How do these aims translate into practice for a group of individuals, ETA members, condemned for offences committed in reaction to a perceived oppressive majoritarianism? It is hypothesized that the Spanish state either rehabilitates the deviants thus showing them the error of their ways and directs them to normality through a highly individualised assessment based on politically constructed common factors, or contain and civically and politically exclude those who resist.</p><p>A Foucauldian approach is used to analyse the mechanisms of power and, the security and penal apparatuses erected to manage and discipline this collective, more precisely of governmentality, normalisation, and of biopower. Particular attention is paid to the techniques used to ‘normalise’ and govern this collective. At first sight, one would think that only disciplinary mechanisms in a penitentiary setting need be used to achieve the earlier stated aims given that they have a ‘captive audience’; however, in reaction to an intransigent collective with an embedded political praxis , the State has adopted a hybridised system of power. The system combines individual and collective security mechanisms, and legal instruments to achieve this objective. In managing risk, the Spanish penal apparatus has adopted strategies that involve politically and civically castrating those that are deemed too high a risk and incorrigible.</p><p><strong>DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN</strong>: <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742" target="_blank">http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742</a></p>http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742Political prisonerpolitical praxisnormalisationfragmentationrisk management
spellingShingle Alison Hogg
Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
Oñati Socio-Legal Series
Political prisoner
political praxis
normalisation
fragmentation
risk management
title Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
title_full Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
title_fullStr Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
title_full_unstemmed Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
title_short Directing Dissent: Governing Political Dissidence in Spanish Prisons
title_sort directing dissent governing political dissidence in spanish prisons
topic Political prisoner
political praxis
normalisation
fragmentation
risk management
url http://ssrn.com/abstract=1991742
work_keys_str_mv AT alisonhogg directingdissentgoverningpoliticaldissidenceinspanishprisons