Children’s quantification with every over time
This article looks closely at two types of errors children have been shown to make with universal quantification—Exhaustive Pairing (EP) errors and Underexhaustive errors—and asks whether they reflect the same underlying phenomenon. In a large-scale, longitudinal study, 140 children were tested 4 ti...
| Main Authors: | , , , , , , , , , , , , |
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| Other Authors: | |
| Format: | Article |
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Ubiquity Press, Ltd.
2020
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| Online Access: | https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/124478 |
| _version_ | 1811069981522132992 |
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| author | Aravind, Athulya De Villiers, Jill De Villiers, Peter Lonigan, Christopher J. Phillips, Beth M. Clancy, Jeanine Landry, Susan H. Swank, Paul R. Assel, Michael Taylor, Heather B. Eisenberg, Nancy Spinrad, Tracy Valiente, Carlos |
| author2 | Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy |
| author_facet | Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy Aravind, Athulya De Villiers, Jill De Villiers, Peter Lonigan, Christopher J. Phillips, Beth M. Clancy, Jeanine Landry, Susan H. Swank, Paul R. Assel, Michael Taylor, Heather B. Eisenberg, Nancy Spinrad, Tracy Valiente, Carlos |
| author_sort | Aravind, Athulya |
| collection | MIT |
| description | This article looks closely at two types of errors children have been shown to make with universal quantification—Exhaustive Pairing (EP) errors and Underexhaustive errors—and asks whether they reflect the same underlying phenomenon. In a large-scale, longitudinal study, 140 children were tested 4 times from ages 4 to 7 on sentences involving the universal quantifier every. We find an interesting inverse relationship between EP errors and Underexhaustive errors over development: the point at which children stop making Underexhaustive errors is also when they begin making EP errors. Underexhaustive errors, common at early stages in our study, may be indicative of a non-adult, non-exhaustive semantics for every. EP errors, which emerge later, and remain frequent even at age 7, are progressive in nature and were also found with adults in a control study. Following recent developmental work (Drozd and van Loosbroek 2006; Smits 2010), we suggest that these errors do not signal lack of knowledge, but may stem from independent difficulties appropriately restricting the quantifier domain in the presence of a salient, but irrelevant, extra object. |
| first_indexed | 2024-09-23T08:19:59Z |
| format | Article |
| id | mit-1721.1/124478 |
| institution | Massachusetts Institute of Technology |
| last_indexed | 2024-09-23T08:19:59Z |
| publishDate | 2020 |
| publisher | Ubiquity Press, Ltd. |
| record_format | dspace |
| spelling | mit-1721.1/1244782022-09-23T12:23:12Z Children’s quantification with every over time Aravind, Athulya De Villiers, Jill De Villiers, Peter Lonigan, Christopher J. Phillips, Beth M. Clancy, Jeanine Landry, Susan H. Swank, Paul R. Assel, Michael Taylor, Heather B. Eisenberg, Nancy Spinrad, Tracy Valiente, Carlos Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy This article looks closely at two types of errors children have been shown to make with universal quantification—Exhaustive Pairing (EP) errors and Underexhaustive errors—and asks whether they reflect the same underlying phenomenon. In a large-scale, longitudinal study, 140 children were tested 4 times from ages 4 to 7 on sentences involving the universal quantifier every. We find an interesting inverse relationship between EP errors and Underexhaustive errors over development: the point at which children stop making Underexhaustive errors is also when they begin making EP errors. Underexhaustive errors, common at early stages in our study, may be indicative of a non-adult, non-exhaustive semantics for every. EP errors, which emerge later, and remain frequent even at age 7, are progressive in nature and were also found with adults in a control study. Following recent developmental work (Drozd and van Loosbroek 2006; Smits 2010), we suggest that these errors do not signal lack of knowledge, but may stem from independent difficulties appropriately restricting the quantifier domain in the presence of a salient, but irrelevant, extra object. National Institute of Child Health and Development (NICHD) (Grant P01HD048497) 2020-04-02T14:34:41Z 2020-04-02T14:34:41Z 2017-05 Article http://purl.org/eprint/type/JournalArticle 2397-1835 https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/124478 Aravind, Athulya et al. "Children’s quantification with every over time." Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 2, 1 (May 2017): 43. 1–43.16 © 2017 The Author(s) http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.166 Glossa Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ application/pdf Ubiquity Press, Ltd. Glossa |
| spellingShingle | Aravind, Athulya De Villiers, Jill De Villiers, Peter Lonigan, Christopher J. Phillips, Beth M. Clancy, Jeanine Landry, Susan H. Swank, Paul R. Assel, Michael Taylor, Heather B. Eisenberg, Nancy Spinrad, Tracy Valiente, Carlos Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title | Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title_full | Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title_fullStr | Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title_full_unstemmed | Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title_short | Children’s quantification with every over time |
| title_sort | children s quantification with every over time |
| url | https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/124478 |
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