Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects

<jats:p>This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again) seem to be obligatory in the second sentence. We present linguistic and experimental evidence against treating these obligatory additivity effects as uniformly following from Maximize P...

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Main Authors: Aravind, Athulya, Hackl, Martin
Other Authors: Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
Format: Article
Language:English
Published: Linguistic Society of America 2021
Online Access:https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/135813
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author Aravind, Athulya
Hackl, Martin
author2 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
author_facet Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy
Aravind, Athulya
Hackl, Martin
author_sort Aravind, Athulya
collection MIT
description <jats:p>This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again) seem to be obligatory in the second sentence. We present linguistic and experimental evidence against treating these obligatory additivity effects as uniformly following from Maximize Presupposition! (Heim 1991). We propose that the environments giving rise to these effects involve a discourse move that corrects for over-restrictive assumptions about the domain in the immediately preceding move. Crucially, the second move must be compatible with the first. General considerations about how the discourse unfolds, in conjunction with a principle that sentences are interpreted exhaustively by default, make it so that two sentences in such sequences are mutually inconsistent in the absence of the additive.</jats:p>
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spelling mit-1721.1/1358132023-02-16T20:39:17Z Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects Aravind, Athulya Hackl, Martin Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy <jats:p>This paper examines bi-sentential sequences where additive presupposition triggers (e.g. too, again) seem to be obligatory in the second sentence. We present linguistic and experimental evidence against treating these obligatory additivity effects as uniformly following from Maximize Presupposition! (Heim 1991). We propose that the environments giving rise to these effects involve a discourse move that corrects for over-restrictive assumptions about the domain in the immediately preceding move. Crucially, the second move must be compatible with the first. General considerations about how the discourse unfolds, in conjunction with a principle that sentences are interpreted exhaustively by default, make it so that two sentences in such sequences are mutually inconsistent in the absence of the additive.</jats:p> 2021-10-27T20:29:26Z 2021-10-27T20:29:26Z 2017 2019-09-25T18:27:16Z Article http://purl.org/eprint/type/ConferencePaper https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/135813 en 10.3765/SALT.V27I0.4141 Semantics and Linguistic Theory Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 unported license https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ application/pdf Linguistic Society of America Linguistic Society of America
spellingShingle Aravind, Athulya
Hackl, Martin
Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title_full Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title_fullStr Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title_full_unstemmed Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title_short Against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
title_sort against a unified treatment of obligatory presupposition trigger effects
url https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/135813
work_keys_str_mv AT aravindathulya againstaunifiedtreatmentofobligatorypresuppositiontriggereffects
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