Tseltal clause structure

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2012.

Bibliographic Details
Main Author: Shklovsky, Kirill
Other Authors: David Pesetsky.
Format: Thesis
Language:eng
Published: Massachusetts Institute of Technology 2013
Subjects:
Online Access:http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77801
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author Shklovsky, Kirill
author2 David Pesetsky.
author_facet David Pesetsky.
Shklovsky, Kirill
author_sort Shklovsky, Kirill
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description Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2012.
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spelling mit-1721.1/778012019-04-10T21:55:17Z Tseltal clause structure Shklovsky, Kirill David Pesetsky. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy. Linguistics and Philosophy. Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2012. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. Includes bibliographical references (p. [191]-205). This dissertation examines the syntax of clausal structure in Tseltal (Mayan) with a particular focus on agreement phenomena. The first domain of investigation is the External Possession Construction, in which the clausal agreement is controlled by a possessor of the internal argument, rather than the internal argument itself. It is argued that clausal (p-agreement can target nominals embedded in other noun phrases if the head of the embedding phrase incorporates into the verbal complex. It is argued that this type of long-distance agreement arises when other potential agreement controllers are evacuated or otherwise made unavailable. The second kind of long-distance [phi]-agreement investigated involves non-finite complement clauses. This portion of the thesis examines the relationship between case opacity, agreement, and Person Case Constraint (PCC). It is argued that an ergative language like Tseltal exhibits object-to-subject raising, the counterpart to subject-to-subject raising in languages like English. The distribution of non-third person objects in non-finite clauses is explained as a consequence of interactions between long-distance agreement and case opacity. It is argued that case opacity is subject to parametric variation, and that this variation predicts some of the ergative splits attested cross-linguistically. The final portion of this thesis considers the nature of ellipsis and polar answers in Tseltal. It is argued that in Tseltal only focus constructions can trigger ellipsis. In focus clauses, an XP constituent or a head in the extended VP is attracted to the left periphery of the clause. It is argued that the movement to focus position is mediated by agreement relations, although in contrast to the preceding chapters, the agreement relations considered here are not long-distance, and in some cases are very local. The case of maximally local agreement is argued to differentiate between the realization of narrow focus and broad focus in Tseltal by Kirill Shklovsky. Ph.D. 2013-03-13T15:48:42Z 2013-03-13T15:48:42Z 2012 2012 Thesis http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77801 828402133 eng M.I.T. theses are protected by copyright. They may be viewed from this source for any purpose, but reproduction or distribution in any format is prohibited without written permission. See provided URL for inquiries about permission. http://dspace.mit.edu/handle/1721.1/7582 205 p. application/pdf Massachusetts Institute of Technology
spellingShingle Linguistics and Philosophy.
Shklovsky, Kirill
Tseltal clause structure
title Tseltal clause structure
title_full Tseltal clause structure
title_fullStr Tseltal clause structure
title_full_unstemmed Tseltal clause structure
title_short Tseltal clause structure
title_sort tseltal clause structure
topic Linguistics and Philosophy.
url http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77801
work_keys_str_mv AT shklovskykirill tseltalclausestructure