Presupposition Projection Out of Quantified Sentences: Strengthening, Local Accommodation and Inter-speaker Variation
Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences—which Q in Q(B)(λx.C(x) [subscript p(x)]) supports the inference ∀x∈...
Main Authors: | , , , |
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Other Authors: | |
Format: | Article |
Language: | en_US |
Published: |
Springer-Verlag
2014
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Online Access: | http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/85650 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0248-9308 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6855-0314 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7124-0755 |
Summary: | Presupposition projection in quantified sentences is at the center of debates in the presupposition literature. This paper reports on a survey revealing inter-speaker variation regarding which quantifier yields universal inferences—which Q in Q(B)(λx.C(x) [subscript p(x)]) supports the inference ∀x∈B:p(x) . We observe an implication that if some yields a universal inference for a speaker, no, and any in a polar question do as well. We propose an account of this implication based on a trivalent theory of presupposition projection together with auxiliary assumptions suggested by [8]. |
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