| Summary: | As indicated in earlier papers (1991, 1994) relating to morphosyntax and a verbal agreement (VA) system, reconstructions at the Proto-Sino-Tibetan (PST) level exhibit marked dyschronicity on the Chinese side. One of two key evidentiary items for PST ergative *-s, along with the key item for PST topic-marker *ka/ga, involve the early (Archaic Chinese: AC) promotion of this element to a 1st person pronoun: sgio/iwo from *sga < *na-s-ga, with typical syllabic reduction. The key evidence for a PST-level VA system involves the early substitution of the 2nd person pronoun *na(•)n: nio/nziwo: (loan use), from *na, with typical palatalization.
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